By By Jillian Deutsch, Debby Wu and Jenny Leonard<\/strong>

Magdeburg in former East Germany is famous for its towering gothic cathedral, and not a lot else. It’s now about to play a key role in U.S. and European efforts to tilt the global balance of power.

Intel Corp<\/a>. unveiled plans on March 15 to build a giant, 17 billion-euro ($18.7 billion) factory making cutting-edge semiconductors<\/a> in the city, adding to new plants in Arizona and Ohio the company announced over the past six months.

They are part of Chief Executive Officer
Pat Gelsinger<\/a>’s plan to wrest control of production from Asia and tackle the global shortage of chips<\/a> exacerbated during the Covid-19 pandemic and exposed again following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. “The situation reinforces why we’re doing this project, and the need for globally resilient and balanced supply chain,” Gelsinger said after revealing the Magdeburg site.

His ambition is one that the U.S. and European Union are promising to back with a combined $100 billion in a subsidy race to reduce reliance on imports just as China plans to turn itself into a chip powerhouse. Behind closed doors, though, some people in the industry are getting increasingly concerned that the push to make the West more competitive might backfire.

Their worry is not only that the money will be too little, too late, but the political strings attached to the aid may complicate global supply chains further. Different parts of the planet will compete to secure supplies while championing domestic plants that can’t yet fill the void.

The dearth of semiconductors has brought some car manufacturing to a halt and delayed shipments of game consoles and smartphones, waking Washington and Brussels up to the fact that their continents are dependent on a handful of regions for the key parts. The most notable is Taiwan, a geopolitical hotspot because of historically tense relations with China and one whose vulnerability is under more scrutiny since Russia’s invasion of its smaller neighbor.

Yet, however dysfunctional it may look at the moment, the supply chain is global and fully integrated. Unpicking it could carry greater risks, said Rudi De Winter, CEO of German chip maker
X-Fab Silicon Foundries<\/a>.

The semiconductor industry “is a very global business, and it has done well being a global business,” he said. “This whole trend of trying to make things sovereign in every region and having its own supply chain is rather driven by politics and not by the semiconductor industry.”

Russia, which has been sanctioned by the U.S. and Europe, now is a clear example of how semiconductors have become increasingly important political tools. The items were some of the first goods that Washington and Brussels targeted to cut Russia off from the global economy, and they’ve continually threatened more action. Manufacturing of cars in Russia, for example, has already been hit.

On the flip side, Russia and Ukraine export palladium and neon used to make semiconductors, though chipmakers have downplayed the potential impact.

U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo said in an interview on March 9 that if Chinese companies defy U.S. restrictions against exporting to Russia, Washington could shut down companies by cutting them off from the American equipment and software they need.

Semiconductors and other high-tech are becoming “weaponized” with the current trade wars and supply chain issues, said Rafael Laguna de la Vera, CEO of SPRIN-D, Germany’s federal agency for disruptive innovation. “This is why regions need to invest into high tech to get resilient,” he said.
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<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>The U.S. and Europe want to claw back their share of the chip market after collapses in recent decades. The U.S. accounted for nearly 40% of the world’s silicon wafer production in the 1990s, while the EU accounted for more than 20%, according to figures cited by Washington and Brussels. The U.S. is now below 15% and the EU has about 10%.

How Biden Plans To Tackle the Shortage<\/strong>
In an effort to shift production away from Asia, President Joe Biden plans to put $52 billion into domestic semiconductor research, development and production as part of its broad China competition bill, though it is still awaiting approval. The EU’s 27 member states, meanwhile, are only just scrutinizing the European Commission’s recent proposal worth $48 billion to build up the bloc’s chip capacity.

China has already been spending what could amount to $150 billion by 2030 to jumpstart production. The country is still far behind, especially when it comes to advanced chip making, but it’s catching up quickly.

“We’re laser-focused on revitalizing America’s semiconductor industry,” Raimondo said at Intel’s new site in Ohio in January. “Semiconductors are the essential building blocks of our modern economy.”
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<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>Some members of Congress, though, want to see the taxpayer funds attached to guardrails that prevent companies from using the money to invest in China while Intel at one point lobbied against the taxpayer funds going to firms headquartered abroad.

In the past, things were simple for chip producers, said Kurt Sievers, CEO of Dutch chipmaker NXP Semiconductors NV. Companies “could just choose production locations and R&D locations wherever you wanted,” he said. “But I think we just have to stay realistic: Maybe these times are over. Now we are dealing with the world as it is going to evolve.”

Intel CEO Gelsinger is a major force behind government investment in new plants. Despite the naysayers, he believes public funding could help Intel lower the cost of trying to catch up on cutting-edge chips after falling behind
Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co.<\/a>, known as TSMC<\/a>, and South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co.<\/a> It would also make the U.S. and Europe more self-reliant.

“Let’s not waste this crisis,” Gelsinger told Bloomberg earlier this year. “It’s good economics, but it’s also national security.” Intel’s new plant in Magdeburg, which will start production in 2027, is part of an 80 billion-euro package of investment in Europe by the Californian company.
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>Whether the numbers stack up remains to be seen. The U.S. and Europe have some serious catching up to do, said SPRIN-D’s de la Vera. Japan, for example, is also promising state aid to boost production. New facilities include a $7 billion factory planned by TSMC in conjunction with Sony Group Corp. and Denso Corp.

South Korea also wants to become the world’s biggest chip producer, with companies and the government pouring a total $450 billion into the industry by 2030.

Why Does China Want Taiwanese Chips?<\/strong>
Achieving economies of scale that can compete with Taiwan’s business model is also going to be tough if each region is racing to build its own capacity. TSMC accounts for more than 50% of the global foundry market, or the business of purely making chips for other companies. Its customers include Apple Inc., which relies on Taiwanese chips for iPhones.

Indeed, the reliance on TSMC is the core concern: an invasion of the island by China would leave the world’s most advanced chips in the hands of Beijing. U.S. academic Jared McKinney recently suggested in a U.S. Army journal that Taiwan should protect itself by threatening to destroy chipmaking facilities so that Beijing would see its tech industry “immobilized” should it invade. He called it a “broken nest” strategy.

TSMC will have a new U.S. location operating in Arizona in two years and is now mulling a potential plant in Germany after European carmakers repeatedly expressed concerns about the impact from the chip shortage. But Taiwanese industry insiders remain skeptical of plans to relocate production back to the West.
\"&lt;p&gt;Morris
Morris Chang, Founder, TSMC .<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>“It’s not possible to turn back the clock,” TSMC founder Morris Chang told a Taiwanese tech association in October. “If you want to re-establish a complete semiconductor supply chain in the United States, you will not find it to be a possible task, even after you spend hundreds of billions of dollars.”

The federal money on the table is just a fraction of what the U.S. industry needs. And some executives are already wary of how governments are asserting themselves by slapping down mergers, limiting exports or banning working with industry partners.

The most recent example was Germany’s nixing of Taiwanese company GlobalWafer’s takeover of German rival Siltronic earlier this year. Industry officials say the move showed the West is turning inward when governments should develop stronger alliances with Asia.

The White House has quietly moved to stop Dutch company ASML Holding NV from exporting its cutting-edge equipment to China. ASML has an effective monopoly on advanced extreme ultraviolet lithography machines used by companies like TSMC.

The Trump administration began pressuring the Dutch government as early as 2018 not to authorize the sale of ASML’s EUV machines to China, according to people familiar with the talks. That pressure has escalated under Biden, with officials considering pushing the Dutch government to put in writing the de-facto export ban, according to people familiar with the internal deliberations.

The company has become increasingly frustrated with the intervention of the U.S., which is also debating whether to ask the Dutch to ban ASML from selling its mature deep ultraviolet lithography systems to China. “Any suggestion by any country to limit the shipment of the production equipment for mature technology to areas of the world where that technology is being produced is not a good idea,” said ASML CEO Peter Wennink. “We should not do that.”

US and Europe Could Team Up<\/strong>
The U.S. and Europe will discuss their strategies on semiconductors as part of the Trade and Technology Council, but there’s still a long way to go to figure out if and how to coordinate government aid in the most strategic ways. A U.S. official said they want to avoid a subsidies arms race, though a lingering mistrust from the Donald Trump years has made the EU wary.
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>While American eyes are on China, the EU plans to add strings to subsidies that would ensure the bloc has the essential components in times of emergencies. These ideas follow lessons from the pandemic, when the U.S. and U.K. had quicker access to vaccines. EU Internal Market Commissioner Thierry Breton has said the U.S.’s Defense Production Act was a source of inspiration for the “security of supply” proposals.

The plans are not protectionist, nor are they seeking to make Europe completely autonomous, he said. Instead, they give the EU leverage to compete. “That’s the new geopolitics of supply chains,” Breton said.

There’s no shortage of skepticism, considering the EU tried to double production nearly 10 years ago and failed. Now, the overall goal is for Europe to make 20% of the world’s semiconductors by 2030. With global demand expected to as much as double, in practice that means quadrupling Europe’s production within eight years.

This time, the EU opened the door to providing public money for production of chips — a massive shift. But many companies in the region question whether the bloc should be placing so much weight on making the next generation of chips rather than the less advanced, more “mature” chips currently in shortage.

NXP CEO Sievers said the bloc should focus on providing first what the industry needs now. “Right away leapfrogging to leading edge only, I think would be missing the beat of what the European industry needs in the next couple of years,” he said.
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<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>Whatever type of chips end up being produced, industry insiders expect the U.S. and Europe will always be dependent on Asia for their materials, not least because of the global intricacies of supplies.

TSMC Chairman Mark Liu highlighted the connectivity in December, saying that some semiconductor chemicals required by Intel are shipped to the U.S. by Taiwanese suppliers. In other words, even American-made products rely on the outside world.

That’s what makes the plans by Washington and Brussels so unrealistic, said Jan-Peter Kleinhans, a researcher at the German thinktank Stiftung Neue Verantwortung in Berlin.

There’s also the risk of exacerbating shortages if you have politicians telling companies to prioritize certain chips for certain regions, Kleinhans said. “Suddenly, it’s not up to the market anymore,” he said. Governments aren’t chip buyers or chip makers. “It’s really 20th century policy tools applied to a 21st century value chain.”

(With assistance from April Roach, Cagan Koc, Ian King and Adam Blenford)<\/strong><\/em>
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全球争夺芯片将变得更糟

半导体的缺乏带来了一些汽车制造业停滞和延迟游戏机和智能手机出货量,唤醒华盛顿和布鲁塞尔的大洲是依赖于少数地区的关键部分。

  • 2022年3月17日更新在24点坚持
阅读: 100年行业专业人士
读者的形象读到100年行业专业人士
由吉利安多伊奇,黛比吴和珍妮伦纳德

马格德堡在前东德闻名高耸的哥特式大教堂,而不是很多。现在是要扮演一个关键的角色在美国和欧洲的努力倾斜全球力量平衡。

英特尔(intc . o:行情)。宣布,计划建造一个巨大的3月15日,17欧元(187亿美元)工厂制造尖端半导体在城市,增加新工厂在亚利桑那州和俄亥俄州该公司宣布在过去六个月。

他们是首席执行官的一部分Pat Gelsinger生产的计划夺取控制来自亚洲和解决的全球短缺芯片加剧了Covid-19大流行期间,再次暴露了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰。“形势加强了我们为什么做这个项目的时候,和全球的需求弹性和平衡的供应链,”基辛格说揭示了马格德堡网站。

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他的野心是美国和欧盟承诺用1000亿美元的补贴竞赛相结合,减少对进口的依赖就像中国计划变成一个芯片巨头。关起门来,一些业内人士越来越担心,把西方的竞争力可能会适得其反。

他们担心的不仅是钱太少,太迟了,但政治附加条件援助可能会进一步复杂的全球供应链。不同部分的地球将竞争获得供应,同时支持国内工厂,还不能填补这一空缺。

半导体的缺乏带来了一些汽车制造业停滞和延迟游戏机和智能手机出货量,唤醒华盛顿和布鲁塞尔的大洲是依赖于少数地区的关键部分。最值得注意的是台湾地缘政治热点,因为历史上与中国的紧张关系和一个的脆弱性是受到更多关注,因为俄罗斯入侵规模较小的邻居。

不过,功能失调可能看的那一刻,全球供应链和完全集成。要理清,它可以携带更大的风险,鲁迪•德•冬天,说德国芯片制造商的首席执行官X-Fab硅晶圆代工厂

广告
半导体产业”是一个全球业务,它是一个全球业务方面做得很好,”他说。“整个趋势,试图让事情每一个地区的主权和有自己的供应链,而由政治而不是半导体行业。”

俄罗斯已经被美国和欧洲批准的,现在是一个明显的例子的半导体已经成为越来越重要的政治工具。项目第一批货物,华盛顿和布鲁塞尔的目标削减俄罗斯从全球经济,他们不断威胁要采取更多的行动。在俄罗斯制造的汽车,例如,已经受到了冲击。

另一方面,俄罗斯和乌克兰出口钯和霓虹灯用于制造半导体,芯片制造商有淡化的潜在影响。

美国商务部长吉娜Raimondo 3月9日在接受采访时表示,如果中国企业无视美国限制出口到俄罗斯,华盛顿可能关闭从美国公司通过削减他们他们需要的设备和软件。

半导体和其他高科技正变得“突破”与当前贸易战争和供应链问题,说拉斐尔•拉古纳de la Vera SPRIN-D的CEO,德国的联邦机构为颠覆性创新。“这就是为什么地区需要投资高科技弹性,”他说。
美国和欧洲想要收回他们的芯片市场份额近几十年来后崩溃。美国占世界近40%的硅片产量在1990年代,尽管欧盟占20%以上,援引的数据显示,华盛顿和布鲁塞尔。美国现在低于15%,欧盟约10%。

拜登计划如何解决短缺
为了生产转移远离亚洲,总统拜登计划将520亿美元投入国内半导体的研究,开发和生产作为其广阔的中国竞争法案的一部分,虽然它仍在等待批准。欧盟的27个成员国,与此同时,才刚刚审查欧盟委员会最近的价值480亿美元的提议建立欧元区的芯片容量。

中国已经支出可能达1500亿美元到2030年开始生产。国家还远未形成,特别是当涉及到先进的芯片制造,但它正在迅速追赶。

“我们高度关注美国半导体产业振兴”Raimondo说,英特尔的新网站1月在俄亥俄州。“半导体是我们现代经济的基本构建块。”
不过,一些国会议员希望看到纳税人资金附加到护栏,防止企业利用这些钱在中国投资,同时英特尔一度游说反对国外纳税人基金将公司总部。

在过去,一切都简单的芯片生产商,库尔特·西弗斯说,荷兰NXP半导体芯片制造商NV。公司的首席执行官”可以选择生产地点和研发地点无论你想要的,”他说。“但我认为我们只需要保持现实:也许这些时间已经过去了。现在我们正在处理真实的世界去发展。”

英特尔首席执行官基辛格是政府投资新工厂背后的主要力量。尽管反对者,他相信公共资金可以帮助英特尔降低试图赶上先进的成本芯片在落后台湾半导体制造有限公司,被称为台积电和韩国的三星电子有限公司它还将使美国和欧洲更自力更生。

“咱们别浪费这危机,”基辛格今年早些时候告诉彭博。“这是好的经济学,但它也是国家安全。“英特尔在马格德堡的新工厂,将于2027年投产,是80欧元的一揽子的一部分由加州公司在欧洲的投资。
数据汇总起来是否还有待观察。美国和欧洲有一些严重的迎头赶上,SPRIN-D的de la Vera说。例如,日本也有前途的国家援助提高产量。新工厂设施包括一个70亿美元的计划,台积电与索尼集团公司和日本电装公司。

韩国也想成为世界最大的芯片生产商,公司和政府在2030年总计4500亿美元涌入该行业。

为什么中国想要台湾芯片吗?
实现规模经济,可以与台湾的商业模式也将是艰难的,如果每个地区竞相建立自己的能力。台积电占超过50%的全球铸造市场,或纯粹的芯片制造业务的其他公司。它的客户包括苹果(aapl . o:行情),依赖于台湾芯片iphone。

事实上,台积电的依赖是关注的核心问题:岛的入侵中国将世界上最先进的芯片在北京的手中。美国学术贾里德·麦金尼最近建议在美国陆军期刊上,台湾应该保护自己通过威胁破坏芯片生产设施,北京将其科技产业“固定化”入侵。他称之为“破巢”策略。

台积电将有一个新的美国位置在亚利桑那州经营两年,现在在考虑潜在的植物在德国在欧洲汽车制造商一再表示担心芯片短缺的影响。但台湾业内人士仍持怀疑态度的计划搬迁生产回到西方。
< p >张忠谋,创始人,台积电类< span = 。< / span > < / p >">
张忠谋,创始人,台积电。
“这不是可以让时光倒流,“台积电创始人张忠谋在10月告诉台湾科技协会。“如果你想重新建立一个完整的半导体供应链在美国,你不会觉得这是一个可能的任务,即使你花数千亿美元。”

桌上的联邦资金只是美国行业需要的一小部分。和一些高管已经对政府如何维护自己,合并,限制出口或禁止与行业合作伙伴。

最近的例子就是德国的台湾公司坭兴GlobalWafer收购德国竞争对手Siltronic今年早些时候。行业官员说,此举显示西方闭关自守时政府应该与亚洲发展强大的联盟。

白宫已悄然搬到荷兰ASML Holding NV公司停止向中国出口尖端设备。ASML有效垄断先进极端紫外线光刻机由台积电等公司使用。

胜过政府迫使荷兰政府早在2018年开始不授权出售ASML EUV机器到中国,据知情人士透露,会谈。压力已经升级下拜登,官员们考虑促使荷兰政府投入写作的实际出口禁令,据知情人士透露,内部审议。

该公司已与美国的干预越来越沮丧,这也是争论是否要求荷兰禁止ASML向中国出售其成熟的深紫外线光刻系统。“任何国家的任何建议限制货物的生产设备,成熟的技术领域技术产生的世界,并不是一个好主意,”表示,阿斯麦公司首席执行官彼得•维尼克。“我们不应该这样做。”

美国和欧洲可以合作
美国和欧洲将讨论他们的策略在半导体作为贸易和技术委员会的一部分,但仍有很长的路去看看,如何协调政府援助最战略方式。一位美国官员说,他们希望避免补贴的军备竞赛,虽然从唐纳德·特朗普年挥之不去的不信任使得欧盟持谨慎态度。
而美国的眼睛是在中国,欧盟计划将字符串添加到补贴,将确保欧盟至关重要的组件在紧急情况的时候。这些想法跟随流行的教训,当美国和英国有更快的获得疫苗。欧盟内部市场专员蒂埃里布列塔说,美国的国防生产行为是一个灵感的来源“供应安全”的建议。

计划不是贸易保护主义,也不是为了让欧洲完全自治,他说。相反,他们给欧盟利用竞争。“这是供应链的新地缘政治,”布雷顿说。

没有短缺的怀疑,考虑到欧盟试图双生产近十年前,失败了。现在,欧洲的总体目标是到2030年使世界上20%的半导体。全球需求预期的两倍,在实践中这意味着欧洲生产在8年内翻两番。

这次,欧盟打开门提供公共资金生产的芯片——一个巨大的转变。但在该地区的许多公司质疑欧元区应该把如此多的重量放在制造下一代的芯片,而不是越先进,更“成熟”的芯片目前在短缺。

NXP首席执行官西弗斯说,欧盟应该专注于提供第一个行业现在需要的。马上“蛙跳式发展前沿,我认为会失踪的击败欧洲行业需要在未来的几年里,”他说。
任何类型的芯片生产,业内人士预计,美国和欧洲将永远依赖亚洲材料,尤其是因为全球错综复杂的供应。

台积电董事长马克刘强调了连接12月,说一些半导体化学要求英特尔由台湾供应商运到美国。换句话说,即使是美国制造的产品依赖于外部世界。

这就是华盛顿和布鲁塞尔的计划不切实际,说属于Kleinhans,德国智库研究员Stiftung Neue Verantwortung在柏林。

还有加剧短缺的风险,如果你有政客告诉公司优先考虑为某些地区某些芯片,Kleinhans说。“突然,这不是到市场了,”他说。政府没有芯片买家或芯片制造商。“这真是20世纪21世纪政策工具应用于价值链。”

从4月罗奇(援助,Cagan Koc,伊恩国王和亚当Blenford)
  • 发布于2022年3月17日23点坚持
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By By Jillian Deutsch, Debby Wu and Jenny Leonard<\/strong>

Magdeburg in former East Germany is famous for its towering gothic cathedral, and not a lot else. It’s now about to play a key role in U.S. and European efforts to tilt the global balance of power.

Intel Corp<\/a>. unveiled plans on March 15 to build a giant, 17 billion-euro ($18.7 billion) factory making cutting-edge semiconductors<\/a> in the city, adding to new plants in Arizona and Ohio the company announced over the past six months.

They are part of Chief Executive Officer
Pat Gelsinger<\/a>’s plan to wrest control of production from Asia and tackle the global shortage of chips<\/a> exacerbated during the Covid-19 pandemic and exposed again following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. “The situation reinforces why we’re doing this project, and the need for globally resilient and balanced supply chain,” Gelsinger said after revealing the Magdeburg site.

His ambition is one that the U.S. and European Union are promising to back with a combined $100 billion in a subsidy race to reduce reliance on imports just as China plans to turn itself into a chip powerhouse. Behind closed doors, though, some people in the industry are getting increasingly concerned that the push to make the West more competitive might backfire.

Their worry is not only that the money will be too little, too late, but the political strings attached to the aid may complicate global supply chains further. Different parts of the planet will compete to secure supplies while championing domestic plants that can’t yet fill the void.

The dearth of semiconductors has brought some car manufacturing to a halt and delayed shipments of game consoles and smartphones, waking Washington and Brussels up to the fact that their continents are dependent on a handful of regions for the key parts. The most notable is Taiwan, a geopolitical hotspot because of historically tense relations with China and one whose vulnerability is under more scrutiny since Russia’s invasion of its smaller neighbor.

Yet, however dysfunctional it may look at the moment, the supply chain is global and fully integrated. Unpicking it could carry greater risks, said Rudi De Winter, CEO of German chip maker
X-Fab Silicon Foundries<\/a>.

The semiconductor industry “is a very global business, and it has done well being a global business,” he said. “This whole trend of trying to make things sovereign in every region and having its own supply chain is rather driven by politics and not by the semiconductor industry.”

Russia, which has been sanctioned by the U.S. and Europe, now is a clear example of how semiconductors have become increasingly important political tools. The items were some of the first goods that Washington and Brussels targeted to cut Russia off from the global economy, and they’ve continually threatened more action. Manufacturing of cars in Russia, for example, has already been hit.

On the flip side, Russia and Ukraine export palladium and neon used to make semiconductors, though chipmakers have downplayed the potential impact.

U.S. Secretary of Commerce Gina Raimondo said in an interview on March 9 that if Chinese companies defy U.S. restrictions against exporting to Russia, Washington could shut down companies by cutting them off from the American equipment and software they need.

Semiconductors and other high-tech are becoming “weaponized” with the current trade wars and supply chain issues, said Rafael Laguna de la Vera, CEO of SPRIN-D, Germany’s federal agency for disruptive innovation. “This is why regions need to invest into high tech to get resilient,” he said.
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>The U.S. and Europe want to claw back their share of the chip market after collapses in recent decades. The U.S. accounted for nearly 40% of the world’s silicon wafer production in the 1990s, while the EU accounted for more than 20%, according to figures cited by Washington and Brussels. The U.S. is now below 15% and the EU has about 10%.

How Biden Plans To Tackle the Shortage<\/strong>
In an effort to shift production away from Asia, President Joe Biden plans to put $52 billion into domestic semiconductor research, development and production as part of its broad China competition bill, though it is still awaiting approval. The EU’s 27 member states, meanwhile, are only just scrutinizing the European Commission’s recent proposal worth $48 billion to build up the bloc’s chip capacity.

China has already been spending what could amount to $150 billion by 2030 to jumpstart production. The country is still far behind, especially when it comes to advanced chip making, but it’s catching up quickly.

“We’re laser-focused on revitalizing America’s semiconductor industry,” Raimondo said at Intel’s new site in Ohio in January. “Semiconductors are the essential building blocks of our modern economy.”
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>Some members of Congress, though, want to see the taxpayer funds attached to guardrails that prevent companies from using the money to invest in China while Intel at one point lobbied against the taxpayer funds going to firms headquartered abroad.

In the past, things were simple for chip producers, said Kurt Sievers, CEO of Dutch chipmaker NXP Semiconductors NV. Companies “could just choose production locations and R&D locations wherever you wanted,” he said. “But I think we just have to stay realistic: Maybe these times are over. Now we are dealing with the world as it is going to evolve.”

Intel CEO Gelsinger is a major force behind government investment in new plants. Despite the naysayers, he believes public funding could help Intel lower the cost of trying to catch up on cutting-edge chips after falling behind
Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co.<\/a>, known as TSMC<\/a>, and South Korea’s Samsung Electronics Co.<\/a> It would also make the U.S. and Europe more self-reliant.

“Let’s not waste this crisis,” Gelsinger told Bloomberg earlier this year. “It’s good economics, but it’s also national security.” Intel’s new plant in Magdeburg, which will start production in 2027, is part of an 80 billion-euro package of investment in Europe by the Californian company.
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>Whether the numbers stack up remains to be seen. The U.S. and Europe have some serious catching up to do, said SPRIN-D’s de la Vera. Japan, for example, is also promising state aid to boost production. New facilities include a $7 billion factory planned by TSMC in conjunction with Sony Group Corp. and Denso Corp.

South Korea also wants to become the world’s biggest chip producer, with companies and the government pouring a total $450 billion into the industry by 2030.

Why Does China Want Taiwanese Chips?<\/strong>
Achieving economies of scale that can compete with Taiwan’s business model is also going to be tough if each region is racing to build its own capacity. TSMC accounts for more than 50% of the global foundry market, or the business of purely making chips for other companies. Its customers include Apple Inc., which relies on Taiwanese chips for iPhones.

Indeed, the reliance on TSMC is the core concern: an invasion of the island by China would leave the world’s most advanced chips in the hands of Beijing. U.S. academic Jared McKinney recently suggested in a U.S. Army journal that Taiwan should protect itself by threatening to destroy chipmaking facilities so that Beijing would see its tech industry “immobilized” should it invade. He called it a “broken nest” strategy.

TSMC will have a new U.S. location operating in Arizona in two years and is now mulling a potential plant in Germany after European carmakers repeatedly expressed concerns about the impact from the chip shortage. But Taiwanese industry insiders remain skeptical of plans to relocate production back to the West.
\"&lt;p&gt;Morris
Morris Chang, Founder, TSMC .<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>“It’s not possible to turn back the clock,” TSMC founder Morris Chang told a Taiwanese tech association in October. “If you want to re-establish a complete semiconductor supply chain in the United States, you will not find it to be a possible task, even after you spend hundreds of billions of dollars.”

The federal money on the table is just a fraction of what the U.S. industry needs. And some executives are already wary of how governments are asserting themselves by slapping down mergers, limiting exports or banning working with industry partners.

The most recent example was Germany’s nixing of Taiwanese company GlobalWafer’s takeover of German rival Siltronic earlier this year. Industry officials say the move showed the West is turning inward when governments should develop stronger alliances with Asia.

The White House has quietly moved to stop Dutch company ASML Holding NV from exporting its cutting-edge equipment to China. ASML has an effective monopoly on advanced extreme ultraviolet lithography machines used by companies like TSMC.

The Trump administration began pressuring the Dutch government as early as 2018 not to authorize the sale of ASML’s EUV machines to China, according to people familiar with the talks. That pressure has escalated under Biden, with officials considering pushing the Dutch government to put in writing the de-facto export ban, according to people familiar with the internal deliberations.

The company has become increasingly frustrated with the intervention of the U.S., which is also debating whether to ask the Dutch to ban ASML from selling its mature deep ultraviolet lithography systems to China. “Any suggestion by any country to limit the shipment of the production equipment for mature technology to areas of the world where that technology is being produced is not a good idea,” said ASML CEO Peter Wennink. “We should not do that.”

US and Europe Could Team Up<\/strong>
The U.S. and Europe will discuss their strategies on semiconductors as part of the Trade and Technology Council, but there’s still a long way to go to figure out if and how to coordinate government aid in the most strategic ways. A U.S. official said they want to avoid a subsidies arms race, though a lingering mistrust from the Donald Trump years has made the EU wary.
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>While American eyes are on China, the EU plans to add strings to subsidies that would ensure the bloc has the essential components in times of emergencies. These ideas follow lessons from the pandemic, when the U.S. and U.K. had quicker access to vaccines. EU Internal Market Commissioner Thierry Breton has said the U.S.’s Defense Production Act was a source of inspiration for the “security of supply” proposals.

The plans are not protectionist, nor are they seeking to make Europe completely autonomous, he said. Instead, they give the EU leverage to compete. “That’s the new geopolitics of supply chains,” Breton said.

There’s no shortage of skepticism, considering the EU tried to double production nearly 10 years ago and failed. Now, the overall goal is for Europe to make 20% of the world’s semiconductors by 2030. With global demand expected to as much as double, in practice that means quadrupling Europe’s production within eight years.

This time, the EU opened the door to providing public money for production of chips — a massive shift. But many companies in the region question whether the bloc should be placing so much weight on making the next generation of chips rather than the less advanced, more “mature” chips currently in shortage.

NXP CEO Sievers said the bloc should focus on providing first what the industry needs now. “Right away leapfrogging to leading edge only, I think would be missing the beat of what the European industry needs in the next couple of years,” he said.
\"\"
<\/span><\/figcaption><\/figure>Whatever type of chips end up being produced, industry insiders expect the U.S. and Europe will always be dependent on Asia for their materials, not least because of the global intricacies of supplies.

TSMC Chairman Mark Liu highlighted the connectivity in December, saying that some semiconductor chemicals required by Intel are shipped to the U.S. by Taiwanese suppliers. In other words, even American-made products rely on the outside world.

That’s what makes the plans by Washington and Brussels so unrealistic, said Jan-Peter Kleinhans, a researcher at the German thinktank Stiftung Neue Verantwortung in Berlin.

There’s also the risk of exacerbating shortages if you have politicians telling companies to prioritize certain chips for certain regions, Kleinhans said. “Suddenly, it’s not up to the market anymore,” he said. Governments aren’t chip buyers or chip makers. “It’s really 20th century policy tools applied to a 21st century value chain.”

(With assistance from April Roach, Cagan Koc, Ian King and Adam Blenford)<\/strong><\/em>
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