<\/strong>
Globalisation has had its hey days since 1980s. In 2008, the financial crisis sent a rude reminder that all was not well with how people lived and worked. A decade later trade war between world’s two largest economies brought down the euphoria that the world is an ever-integrating global village. The shrinkage in trust and stability, in and among nations, has affected all possible interactions, including internet. It is time to take a closer look and find solutions so that civilisations continue evolving to generate prosperity through multilateral cooperation.
Alas, today, policies driven by national interest are on the rise world over. Global trade appears to be the obvious casualty but tensions between countries have transcended those boundaries. An apt testimony is that internet, which is the only window to the world, too appears fragmented like never before.
Countries are vying to control the cyberspace with their own rules. This is antithetical to the very nature of internet. Unlike land or maritime issues, where countries can establish sovereignty by drawing borders, the internet is a virtual entity, like air or germs, which is not only agnostic to territorial boundaries but also subverts them. People across countries and socio-economic status progressively use it for commerce, communication and accessing public and private services.
In other words, internet can no longer be seen as a mere addendum to citizen and consumer well-being. It has come to define the consumer and citizen in the new age. Covid-19 has only accentuated the need to have unencumbered internet. In its wake, even national and international forums are organising dialogues virtually.
Countries must realise that it is a gateway for communications, knowledge and innovation. Therefore, it is critical for enterprise growth, jobs and livelihood as well. It is not as if efforts for common governance framework have not been made. One may recall that Japan had proposed the Data Free Flow with Trust (DFFT<\/a>) vision, part of the Osaka Track, that aims to craft rules for digital trade. The Track’s ultimate aim is that countries come together to help facilitate the free flow of data.
Shinzo Abe, Japan’s Prime Minister, first espoused the idea of a DFFT during the World Economic Forum<\/a>’s Annual General Meeting in January 2019. That vision, he said, stood on two pillars: the need to secure personal, intellectual and national security data, and to ensure the free flow of data, within and across borders, that fuels economic prosperity.
Unfortunately, there was no support for this idea because India, South Africa and Indonesia chose to boycott it. The three countries believed that the it went against the WTO principles to arrive at consensus-based decisions. However, a closer look at the internet governance practices of these emerging economies reveals other reasons.
In June 2020, India banned 59 Chinese apps in the interest of “national security”. It also sent the maximum takedown requests to technology companies in 2019. In the same year, South Africa passed the Films and Publications Amendment Bill<\/a> that gives sweeping powers to its Film and Publication Board<\/a>, to ban “any message or communication, (including visual presentations) placed on any distributed network including, but not limited to, the Internet”.
In Indonesia, authorities restricted access to social media platforms in the run-up to the April 2019 general elections, according to a Freedom House Report. It added that “critics of the government, most notably journalists and members or supporters of the LBGT+ community, continued to face criminal charges and harassment in retaliation for their online activity”.
One would think that countries like India, South Africa and Indonesia, on whom the weight of a colonial past hung so heavily, would do everything to preserve the freedom of their consumer and citizens – online or offline. Mandela, Gandhi and Sukarno led movements that liberated their countrymen (and women) from the shackles of restrictions. Mandela famously said “For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others”.
Today, as India struggles to get its economy back from the clutches of pandemic, it also needs to reform its capacity to extend full benefits to the people in the hinterland. No more can we rely on just handful of economically active clusters. Livelihood opportunities need to spread out horizontally. In pre-Covid times more than 60% of GDP came from just six states. Just imagine, what will happen if all states were to partake in building new India.
Internet will be a key facilitator in that pursuit. Therefore, the agenda to build a free, fair, safe and unencumbered internet is a question of national interest. This national interest can be best served when countries move away from ad-hocism to more rule-based internet governance.
We don’t need to witness anymore the high price of unilateralism on people raring to express themselves in the life of an economy. Most people, much like most countries, move forward with aspirations. Stability and trust should replace provincialism and punishment as the cornerstone of a new digital global governance framework.
(Pradeep S. Mehta is the Secretary General of CUTS International<\/a>. Abhishek Kumar is the Founding Director of Indicc Associates, a public interest firm and also serves as Honorary Advisor to CUTS International)<\/em>
Read also<\/h4>![](\"\/\/www.iser-br.com\/Themes\/Release\/images\/responsive\/ettelecom-default.jpg\")
<\/a><\/figure>The India story after 25 years of internet and how it has transformed our lives<\/a><\/h5><\/div><\/div><\/div>
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Pradeep s·梅塔和阿布·库马尔
全球化已经在上个世纪1980年代以来嘿天。2008年,金融危机发出了一个粗鲁的提醒都没有很好地与人们如何生活和工作。十年后世界上最大的两个经济体之间的贸易战争拖垮了兴奋,世界是一个千变万化的地球村。信任和稳定的收缩,国家之间,已经影响到所有可能的相互作用,包括互联网。是时候来一个近距离的观察,找到解决方案,文明继续发展产生繁荣通过多边合作。
唉,今天,政策由国家利益在世界各地兴起。全球贸易似乎是显而易见的伤亡,但国与国之间的紧张关系已经超越这些界限。一个恰当的证词是互联网,世界的唯一窗口,也出现前所未有的支离破碎。
国家正在争夺控制网络与自己的规则。这是与互联网的本质背道而驰的。不像陆地或海上问题,可以建立主权国家通过边界,互联网是一个虚拟实体,像空气或细菌,不仅不可知的领土边界,也颠覆了他们。人在国家和社会经济地位逐渐用于商业、通信和访问公共和私人服务。
换句话说,互联网可以不再被视为一个纯粹的附录公民和消费者福利。它来定义新时代的消费者和公民。Covid-19只强调了需要的互联网。的,甚至几乎国家和国际论坛组织对话。
各国必须意识到这是一个网关通信,知识和创新。因此,它对于企业发展至关重要,工作和生活。这不像努力共同治理框架没有。一个可能记得,日本已经提出了数据自由流动与信任(DFFT)视野,大阪跟踪的一部分,旨在工艺规则数字贸易。跟踪的最终目的是国家团结起来帮助促进自由流动的数据。
日本首相安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)第一个支持的想法DFFT期间世界经济论坛2019年1月的年度大会。他说,这一愿景,站在两个支柱上:确保个人的需要,知识和国家安全数据,并确保数据的自由流动,内部和跨国界,燃料经济繁荣。
不幸的是,没有支持这个想法,因为印度、南非和印度尼西亚选择抵制它。这三个国家认为它违背了WTO原则到达一致同意的决定。然而,仔细看看这些新兴经济体的互联网治理实践揭示了其他原因。
2020年6月,印度禁止59中国应用在“国家安全”的利益。也最大的可拆卸的请求发送到2019年的科技公司。同年,南非过去了电影和出版物修正法案,给它的广泛权力电影和出版委员会,禁止“任何消息或沟通,(包括视觉演示)放在任何分布式网络包括,但不限于互联网”。
在印尼,当局限制进入社交媒体平台在2019年4月大选前夕,根据自由之家的报告。它补充说,“批评政府的人士,尤其是记者和LBGT +社区的成员或支持者,继续面临刑事指控和骚扰,以报复他们的在线活动”。
有人会认为,这样的国家印度、南非和印度尼西亚,谁殖民过去挂很大的重量,会尽一切努力保护他们的消费者和公民的自由——在线或离线。曼德拉,甘地和苏加诺领导运动解放束缚的同胞(女性)的限制。曼德拉曾经说过一句很著名的话:“对自由不仅仅是摆脱自身的枷锁,但生活在一种尊重并增加他人的自由”。
今天,印度努力加快其经济从流行的离合器,它还需要改革其能力全部好处扩展到内陆地区的人。我们不再能依赖仅仅把经济活动集群。生活需要分散水平的机会。在pre-Covid时期超过GDP的60%来自六个州。想象一下,如果所有国家都参与建设新印度。
互联网将成为一个重要促进者的追求。因此,议程建立一个自由、公平、安全的互联网是一个国家利益的问题。这个国家利益可以最好当国家远离ad-hocism更多基于规则的网络治理。
我们不需要见证了单边主义的高价格对人们渴望表达自己生活的经济。大多数人来说,就像大多数国家,推进抱负。稳定和信任应该取代方言和惩罚作为一个新的数字全球治理框架的基石。
(Pradeep s·梅塔是秘书长削减国际。阿布·库马尔是Indicc Associates的创始董事公共利益公司并担任名誉顾问削减国际)
By Pradeep S. Mehta and Abhishek Kumar
<\/strong>
Globalisation has had its hey days since 1980s. In 2008, the financial crisis sent a rude reminder that all was not well with how people lived and worked. A decade later trade war between world’s two largest economies brought down the euphoria that the world is an ever-integrating global village. The shrinkage in trust and stability, in and among nations, has affected all possible interactions, including internet. It is time to take a closer look and find solutions so that civilisations continue evolving to generate prosperity through multilateral cooperation.
Alas, today, policies driven by national interest are on the rise world over. Global trade appears to be the obvious casualty but tensions between countries have transcended those boundaries. An apt testimony is that internet, which is the only window to the world, too appears fragmented like never before.
Countries are vying to control the cyberspace with their own rules. This is antithetical to the very nature of internet. Unlike land or maritime issues, where countries can establish sovereignty by drawing borders, the internet is a virtual entity, like air or germs, which is not only agnostic to territorial boundaries but also subverts them. People across countries and socio-economic status progressively use it for commerce, communication and accessing public and private services.
In other words, internet can no longer be seen as a mere addendum to citizen and consumer well-being. It has come to define the consumer and citizen in the new age. Covid-19 has only accentuated the need to have unencumbered internet. In its wake, even national and international forums are organising dialogues virtually.
Countries must realise that it is a gateway for communications, knowledge and innovation. Therefore, it is critical for enterprise growth, jobs and livelihood as well. It is not as if efforts for common governance framework have not been made. One may recall that Japan had proposed the Data Free Flow with Trust (DFFT<\/a>) vision, part of the Osaka Track, that aims to craft rules for digital trade. The Track’s ultimate aim is that countries come together to help facilitate the free flow of data.
Shinzo Abe, Japan’s Prime Minister, first espoused the idea of a DFFT during the World Economic Forum<\/a>’s Annual General Meeting in January 2019. That vision, he said, stood on two pillars: the need to secure personal, intellectual and national security data, and to ensure the free flow of data, within and across borders, that fuels economic prosperity.
Unfortunately, there was no support for this idea because India, South Africa and Indonesia chose to boycott it. The three countries believed that the it went against the WTO principles to arrive at consensus-based decisions. However, a closer look at the internet governance practices of these emerging economies reveals other reasons.
In June 2020, India banned 59 Chinese apps in the interest of “national security”. It also sent the maximum takedown requests to technology companies in 2019. In the same year, South Africa passed the Films and Publications Amendment Bill<\/a> that gives sweeping powers to its Film and Publication Board<\/a>, to ban “any message or communication, (including visual presentations) placed on any distributed network including, but not limited to, the Internet”.
In Indonesia, authorities restricted access to social media platforms in the run-up to the April 2019 general elections, according to a Freedom House Report. It added that “critics of the government, most notably journalists and members or supporters of the LBGT+ community, continued to face criminal charges and harassment in retaliation for their online activity”.
One would think that countries like India, South Africa and Indonesia, on whom the weight of a colonial past hung so heavily, would do everything to preserve the freedom of their consumer and citizens – online or offline. Mandela, Gandhi and Sukarno led movements that liberated their countrymen (and women) from the shackles of restrictions. Mandela famously said “For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others”.
Today, as India struggles to get its economy back from the clutches of pandemic, it also needs to reform its capacity to extend full benefits to the people in the hinterland. No more can we rely on just handful of economically active clusters. Livelihood opportunities need to spread out horizontally. In pre-Covid times more than 60% of GDP came from just six states. Just imagine, what will happen if all states were to partake in building new India.
Internet will be a key facilitator in that pursuit. Therefore, the agenda to build a free, fair, safe and unencumbered internet is a question of national interest. This national interest can be best served when countries move away from ad-hocism to more rule-based internet governance.
We don’t need to witness anymore the high price of unilateralism on people raring to express themselves in the life of an economy. Most people, much like most countries, move forward with aspirations. Stability and trust should replace provincialism and punishment as the cornerstone of a new digital global governance framework.
(Pradeep S. Mehta is the Secretary General of CUTS International<\/a>. Abhishek Kumar is the Founding Director of Indicc Associates, a public interest firm and also serves as Honorary Advisor to CUTS International)<\/em>Read also<\/h4><\/a><\/figure>The India story after 25 years of internet and how it has transformed our lives<\/a><\/h5><\/div><\/div><\/div>
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<\/a><\/figure>The India story after 25 years of internet and how it has transformed our lives<\/a><\/h5><\/div><\/div><\/div>
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Pradeep s·梅塔和阿布·库马尔
全球化已经在上个世纪1980年代以来嘿天。2008年,金融危机发出了一个粗鲁的提醒都没有很好地与人们如何生活和工作。十年后世界上最大的两个经济体之间的贸易战争拖垮了兴奋,世界是一个千变万化的地球村。信任和稳定的收缩,国家之间,已经影响到所有可能的相互作用,包括互联网。是时候来一个近距离的观察,找到解决方案,文明继续发展产生繁荣通过多边合作。
唉,今天,政策由国家利益在世界各地兴起。全球贸易似乎是显而易见的伤亡,但国与国之间的紧张关系已经超越这些界限。一个恰当的证词是互联网,世界的唯一窗口,也出现前所未有的支离破碎。
国家正在争夺控制网络与自己的规则。这是与互联网的本质背道而驰的。不像陆地或海上问题,可以建立主权国家通过边界,互联网是一个虚拟实体,像空气或细菌,不仅不可知的领土边界,也颠覆了他们。人在国家和社会经济地位逐渐用于商业、通信和访问公共和私人服务。
换句话说,互联网可以不再被视为一个纯粹的附录公民和消费者福利。它来定义新时代的消费者和公民。Covid-19只强调了需要的互联网。的,甚至几乎国家和国际论坛组织对话。
各国必须意识到这是一个网关通信,知识和创新。因此,它对于企业发展至关重要,工作和生活。这不像努力共同治理框架没有。一个可能记得,日本已经提出了数据自由流动与信任(DFFT)视野,大阪跟踪的一部分,旨在工艺规则数字贸易。跟踪的最终目的是国家团结起来帮助促进自由流动的数据。
日本首相安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)第一个支持的想法DFFT期间世界经济论坛2019年1月的年度大会。他说,这一愿景,站在两个支柱上:确保个人的需要,知识和国家安全数据,并确保数据的自由流动,内部和跨国界,燃料经济繁荣。
不幸的是,没有支持这个想法,因为印度、南非和印度尼西亚选择抵制它。这三个国家认为它违背了WTO原则到达一致同意的决定。然而,仔细看看这些新兴经济体的互联网治理实践揭示了其他原因。
2020年6月,印度禁止59中国应用在“国家安全”的利益。也最大的可拆卸的请求发送到2019年的科技公司。同年,南非过去了电影和出版物修正法案,给它的广泛权力电影和出版委员会,禁止“任何消息或沟通,(包括视觉演示)放在任何分布式网络包括,但不限于互联网”。
在印尼,当局限制进入社交媒体平台在2019年4月大选前夕,根据自由之家的报告。它补充说,“批评政府的人士,尤其是记者和LBGT +社区的成员或支持者,继续面临刑事指控和骚扰,以报复他们的在线活动”。
有人会认为,这样的国家印度、南非和印度尼西亚,谁殖民过去挂很大的重量,会尽一切努力保护他们的消费者和公民的自由——在线或离线。曼德拉,甘地和苏加诺领导运动解放束缚的同胞(女性)的限制。曼德拉曾经说过一句很著名的话:“对自由不仅仅是摆脱自身的枷锁,但生活在一种尊重并增加他人的自由”。
今天,印度努力加快其经济从流行的离合器,它还需要改革其能力全部好处扩展到内陆地区的人。我们不再能依赖仅仅把经济活动集群。生活需要分散水平的机会。在pre-Covid时期超过GDP的60%来自六个州。想象一下,如果所有国家都参与建设新印度。
互联网将成为一个重要促进者的追求。因此,议程建立一个自由、公平、安全的互联网是一个国家利益的问题。这个国家利益可以最好当国家远离ad-hocism更多基于规则的网络治理。
我们不需要见证了单边主义的高价格对人们渴望表达自己生活的经济。大多数人来说,就像大多数国家,推进抱负。稳定和信任应该取代方言和惩罚作为一个新的数字全球治理框架的基石。
(Pradeep s·梅塔是秘书长削减国际。阿布·库马尔是Indicc Associates的创始董事公共利益公司并担任名誉顾问削减国际)
By Pradeep S. Mehta and Abhishek Kumar
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Globalisation has had its hey days since 1980s. In 2008, the financial crisis sent a rude reminder that all was not well with how people lived and worked. A decade later trade war between world’s two largest economies brought down the euphoria that the world is an ever-integrating global village. The shrinkage in trust and stability, in and among nations, has affected all possible interactions, including internet. It is time to take a closer look and find solutions so that civilisations continue evolving to generate prosperity through multilateral cooperation.
Alas, today, policies driven by national interest are on the rise world over. Global trade appears to be the obvious casualty but tensions between countries have transcended those boundaries. An apt testimony is that internet, which is the only window to the world, too appears fragmented like never before.
Countries are vying to control the cyberspace with their own rules. This is antithetical to the very nature of internet. Unlike land or maritime issues, where countries can establish sovereignty by drawing borders, the internet is a virtual entity, like air or germs, which is not only agnostic to territorial boundaries but also subverts them. People across countries and socio-economic status progressively use it for commerce, communication and accessing public and private services.
In other words, internet can no longer be seen as a mere addendum to citizen and consumer well-being. It has come to define the consumer and citizen in the new age. Covid-19 has only accentuated the need to have unencumbered internet. In its wake, even national and international forums are organising dialogues virtually.
Countries must realise that it is a gateway for communications, knowledge and innovation. Therefore, it is critical for enterprise growth, jobs and livelihood as well. It is not as if efforts for common governance framework have not been made. One may recall that Japan had proposed the Data Free Flow with Trust (DFFT<\/a>) vision, part of the Osaka Track, that aims to craft rules for digital trade. The Track’s ultimate aim is that countries come together to help facilitate the free flow of data.
Shinzo Abe, Japan’s Prime Minister, first espoused the idea of a DFFT during the World Economic Forum<\/a>’s Annual General Meeting in January 2019. That vision, he said, stood on two pillars: the need to secure personal, intellectual and national security data, and to ensure the free flow of data, within and across borders, that fuels economic prosperity.
Unfortunately, there was no support for this idea because India, South Africa and Indonesia chose to boycott it. The three countries believed that the it went against the WTO principles to arrive at consensus-based decisions. However, a closer look at the internet governance practices of these emerging economies reveals other reasons.
In June 2020, India banned 59 Chinese apps in the interest of “national security”. It also sent the maximum takedown requests to technology companies in 2019. In the same year, South Africa passed the Films and Publications Amendment Bill<\/a> that gives sweeping powers to its Film and Publication Board<\/a>, to ban “any message or communication, (including visual presentations) placed on any distributed network including, but not limited to, the Internet”.
In Indonesia, authorities restricted access to social media platforms in the run-up to the April 2019 general elections, according to a Freedom House Report. It added that “critics of the government, most notably journalists and members or supporters of the LBGT+ community, continued to face criminal charges and harassment in retaliation for their online activity”.
One would think that countries like India, South Africa and Indonesia, on whom the weight of a colonial past hung so heavily, would do everything to preserve the freedom of their consumer and citizens – online or offline. Mandela, Gandhi and Sukarno led movements that liberated their countrymen (and women) from the shackles of restrictions. Mandela famously said “For to be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others”.
Today, as India struggles to get its economy back from the clutches of pandemic, it also needs to reform its capacity to extend full benefits to the people in the hinterland. No more can we rely on just handful of economically active clusters. Livelihood opportunities need to spread out horizontally. In pre-Covid times more than 60% of GDP came from just six states. Just imagine, what will happen if all states were to partake in building new India.
Internet will be a key facilitator in that pursuit. Therefore, the agenda to build a free, fair, safe and unencumbered internet is a question of national interest. This national interest can be best served when countries move away from ad-hocism to more rule-based internet governance.
We don’t need to witness anymore the high price of unilateralism on people raring to express themselves in the life of an economy. Most people, much like most countries, move forward with aspirations. Stability and trust should replace provincialism and punishment as the cornerstone of a new digital global governance framework.
(Pradeep S. Mehta is the Secretary General of CUTS International<\/a>. Abhishek Kumar is the Founding Director of Indicc Associates, a public interest firm and also serves as Honorary Advisor to CUTS International)<\/em>Read also<\/h4><\/a><\/figure>The India story after 25 years of internet and how it has transformed our lives<\/a><\/h5><\/div><\/div><\/div>
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Pradeep s·梅塔和阿布·库马尔
全球化已经在上个世纪1980年代以来嘿天。2008年,金融危机发出了一个粗鲁的提醒都没有很好地与人们如何生活和工作。十年后世界上最大的两个经济体之间的贸易战争拖垮了兴奋,世界是一个千变万化的地球村。信任和稳定的收缩,国家之间,已经影响到所有可能的相互作用,包括互联网。是时候来一个近距离的观察,找到解决方案,文明继续发展产生繁荣通过多边合作。
唉,今天,政策由国家利益在世界各地兴起。全球贸易似乎是显而易见的伤亡,但国与国之间的紧张关系已经超越这些界限。一个恰当的证词是互联网,世界的唯一窗口,也出现前所未有的支离破碎。
国家正在争夺控制网络与自己的规则。这是与互联网的本质背道而驰的。不像陆地或海上问题,可以建立主权国家通过边界,互联网是一个虚拟实体,像空气或细菌,不仅不可知的领土边界,也颠覆了他们。人在国家和社会经济地位逐渐用于商业、通信和访问公共和私人服务。
换句话说,互联网可以不再被视为一个纯粹的附录公民和消费者福利。它来定义新时代的消费者和公民。Covid-19只强调了需要的互联网。的,甚至几乎国家和国际论坛组织对话。
各国必须意识到这是一个网关通信,知识和创新。因此,它对于企业发展至关重要,工作和生活。这不像努力共同治理框架没有。一个可能记得,日本已经提出了数据自由流动与信任(DFFT)视野,大阪跟踪的一部分,旨在工艺规则数字贸易。跟踪的最终目的是国家团结起来帮助促进自由流动的数据。
日本首相安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)第一个支持的想法DFFT期间世界经济论坛2019年1月的年度大会。他说,这一愿景,站在两个支柱上:确保个人的需要,知识和国家安全数据,并确保数据的自由流动,内部和跨国界,燃料经济繁荣。
不幸的是,没有支持这个想法,因为印度、南非和印度尼西亚选择抵制它。这三个国家认为它违背了WTO原则到达一致同意的决定。然而,仔细看看这些新兴经济体的互联网治理实践揭示了其他原因。
2020年6月,印度禁止59中国应用在“国家安全”的利益。也最大的可拆卸的请求发送到2019年的科技公司。同年,南非过去了电影和出版物修正法案,给它的广泛权力电影和出版委员会,禁止“任何消息或沟通,(包括视觉演示)放在任何分布式网络包括,但不限于互联网”。
在印尼,当局限制进入社交媒体平台在2019年4月大选前夕,根据自由之家的报告。它补充说,“批评政府的人士,尤其是记者和LBGT +社区的成员或支持者,继续面临刑事指控和骚扰,以报复他们的在线活动”。
有人会认为,这样的国家印度、南非和印度尼西亚,谁殖民过去挂很大的重量,会尽一切努力保护他们的消费者和公民的自由——在线或离线。曼德拉,甘地和苏加诺领导运动解放束缚的同胞(女性)的限制。曼德拉曾经说过一句很著名的话:“对自由不仅仅是摆脱自身的枷锁,但生活在一种尊重并增加他人的自由”。
今天,印度努力加快其经济从流行的离合器,它还需要改革其能力全部好处扩展到内陆地区的人。我们不再能依赖仅仅把经济活动集群。生活需要分散水平的机会。在pre-Covid时期超过GDP的60%来自六个州。想象一下,如果所有国家都参与建设新印度。
互联网将成为一个重要促进者的追求。因此,议程建立一个自由、公平、安全的互联网是一个国家利益的问题。这个国家利益可以最好当国家远离ad-hocism更多基于规则的网络治理。
我们不需要见证了单边主义的高价格对人们渴望表达自己生活的经济。大多数人来说,就像大多数国家,推进抱负。稳定和信任应该取代方言和惩罚作为一个新的数字全球治理框架的基石。
(Pradeep s·梅塔是秘书长削减国际。阿布·库马尔是Indicc Associates的创始董事公共利益公司并担任名誉顾问削减国际)
全球化已经在上个世纪1980年代以来嘿天。2008年,金融危机发出了一个粗鲁的提醒都没有很好地与人们如何生活和工作。十年后世界上最大的两个经济体之间的贸易战争拖垮了兴奋,世界是一个千变万化的地球村。信任和稳定的收缩,国家之间,已经影响到所有可能的相互作用,包括互联网。是时候来一个近距离的观察,找到解决方案,文明继续发展产生繁荣通过多边合作。
唉,今天,政策由国家利益在世界各地兴起。全球贸易似乎是显而易见的伤亡,但国与国之间的紧张关系已经超越这些界限。一个恰当的证词是互联网,世界的唯一窗口,也出现前所未有的支离破碎。
国家正在争夺控制网络与自己的规则。这是与互联网的本质背道而驰的。不像陆地或海上问题,可以建立主权国家通过边界,互联网是一个虚拟实体,像空气或细菌,不仅不可知的领土边界,也颠覆了他们。人在国家和社会经济地位逐渐用于商业、通信和访问公共和私人服务。
换句话说,互联网可以不再被视为一个纯粹的附录公民和消费者福利。它来定义新时代的消费者和公民。Covid-19只强调了需要的互联网。的,甚至几乎国家和国际论坛组织对话。
各国必须意识到这是一个网关通信,知识和创新。因此,它对于企业发展至关重要,工作和生活。这不像努力共同治理框架没有。一个可能记得,日本已经提出了数据自由流动与信任(DFFT)视野,大阪跟踪的一部分,旨在工艺规则数字贸易。跟踪的最终目的是国家团结起来帮助促进自由流动的数据。
日本首相安倍晋三(Shinzo Abe)第一个支持的想法DFFT期间世界经济论坛2019年1月的年度大会。他说,这一愿景,站在两个支柱上:确保个人的需要,知识和国家安全数据,并确保数据的自由流动,内部和跨国界,燃料经济繁荣。
不幸的是,没有支持这个想法,因为印度、南非和印度尼西亚选择抵制它。这三个国家认为它违背了WTO原则到达一致同意的决定。然而,仔细看看这些新兴经济体的互联网治理实践揭示了其他原因。
2020年6月,印度禁止59中国应用在“国家安全”的利益。也最大的可拆卸的请求发送到2019年的科技公司。同年,南非过去了电影和出版物修正法案,给它的广泛权力电影和出版委员会,禁止“任何消息或沟通,(包括视觉演示)放在任何分布式网络包括,但不限于互联网”。
在印尼,当局限制进入社交媒体平台在2019年4月大选前夕,根据自由之家的报告。它补充说,“批评政府的人士,尤其是记者和LBGT +社区的成员或支持者,继续面临刑事指控和骚扰,以报复他们的在线活动”。
有人会认为,这样的国家印度、南非和印度尼西亚,谁殖民过去挂很大的重量,会尽一切努力保护他们的消费者和公民的自由——在线或离线。曼德拉,甘地和苏加诺领导运动解放束缚的同胞(女性)的限制。曼德拉曾经说过一句很著名的话:“对自由不仅仅是摆脱自身的枷锁,但生活在一种尊重并增加他人的自由”。
今天,印度努力加快其经济从流行的离合器,它还需要改革其能力全部好处扩展到内陆地区的人。我们不再能依赖仅仅把经济活动集群。生活需要分散水平的机会。在pre-Covid时期超过GDP的60%来自六个州。想象一下,如果所有国家都参与建设新印度。
互联网将成为一个重要促进者的追求。因此,议程建立一个自由、公平、安全的互联网是一个国家利益的问题。这个国家利益可以最好当国家远离ad-hocism更多基于规则的网络治理。
我们不需要见证了单边主义的高价格对人们渴望表达自己生活的经济。大多数人来说,就像大多数国家,推进抱负。稳定和信任应该取代方言和惩罚作为一个新的数字全球治理框架的基石。
(Pradeep s·梅塔是秘书长削减国际。阿布·库马尔是Indicc Associates的创始董事公共利益公司并担任名誉顾问削减国际)
Read also<\/h4><\/a><\/figure>The India story after 25 years of internet and how it has transformed our lives<\/a><\/h5><\/div><\/div><\/div>
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<\/a><\/figure>
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